Poverty, as a phenomenon, remains an obstacle to global sustainable development. Although a universal malaise, it is more prevalent in underdeveloped countries, including Nigeria. However, because of its devastating impacts on the Nigerian economy, such as increasing death rates, high crime rates, insecurity difficulties, threats to national cohesion, and so on, successive administrations have implemented poverty alleviation programs to mitigate the consequences of this disease. Worryingly, despite a multiplicity of projects and massive human and natural resources invested to match global standards, Nigeria remains impoverished. The curiosity at how these programs fail, either because of implementation hiccups or because elites’ wealth and power influence these programs spurred the paper to assess poverty alleviation policies and elitist approaches in Nigeria. The study employed the desk study approach, as it examined secondary sources such as books, journals, articles, and magazines. Its theoretical underpinning was the elite theory. The paper discovered that several factors such as corruption, the elitist nature of the policies which in disguise reflect public interests, lack of continuity, lack of coordination and monitoring system, misappropriation of public resources, and others, led to the poor performances of government in alleviating poverty in Nigeria. The paper concludes that, while the rate of poverty index in Nigeria rises year after year, poverty alleviation efforts in Nigeria have had little or no influence on the Nigerian economy, since most of these projects are purely reflective of the elites’ interests rather than the masses. Therefore, the paper recommends that for there to be a reduction in poverty incidence in Nigeria, a holistic developmental approach should be adopted, the policies formulated and implemented should sync with the needs of the citizens, and quality and viable programs should be sustained and financed irrespective of change in government; public accountability should be instilled; proper coordination and monitoring system should be domesticated, etc.
What personal competences of successful project managers are determined by their former career as an elite athlete? To answer the question, comprehensive research is carried out, implemented as part of the EEIG-EU/P-Kr/06.12/23 project. The primary aim is to establish conclusively which particular personality traits, identified and analysed using the Big Five Inventory-2 and supplemented by structured interviews, directly contribute to the success of former elite athletes transitioning into roles as effective project managers. We found that successful project managers who were also elite athletes possess personality traits that can be identified as positive determinants of success in either sport or professional careers. Among these personality traits, we can include a low level of neuroticism and a high level of conscientiousness, then extraversion and agreeableness. This paper contributes to a nuanced understanding of how the realms of sports and management intersect and overlap. The presented paper can serve as a basis for further research in the field of personality psychology and management studies.
Relational database models offer a pathway for the storage, standardization, and analysis of factors influencing national sports development. While existing research delves into the factors linked with sporting success, there remains an unexplored avenue for the design of databases that seamlessly integrate quantitative analyses of these factors. This study aims to design a relational database to store and analyse quantitative sport development data by employing information technology tools. The database design was carried out in three phases: (i) exploratory study for context analysis, identification, and delimitation of the data scope; (ii) data extraction from primary sources and cataloguing; (iii) database design to allow an integrated analysis of different dimensions and production of quantitative indicators. An entity-relationship diagram and an entity-relationship model were built to organize and store information relating to sports, organizations, people, investments, venues, facilities, materials, events, and sports results, enabling the sharing of data across tables and avoiding redundancies. This strategy demonstrated potential for future knowledge advancement by including the establishment of perpetual data updates through coding and web scraping. This, in turn, empowers the continuous evaluation and vigilance of organizational performance metrics and sports development policies, aligning seamlessly with the journal’s focus on cutting-edge methodologies in the realm of digital technology.
This article analyzes the modes of organizing the political realm of society in Aceh, especially after the signing of the Helsinki MoU in 2005 by representatives of the Indonesian government and GAM as the two parties most interested in the social organization of Acehnese society. The post-conflict social and political phenomenon in Aceh is the fragmentation between democratic and customary institutions that can be directly observed by the public through their competition in local government elections. Former GAM leaders have chosen to revive Majelis Wali Nanggroe and Gampong as customary and cultural institutions to help the government organize the lives of Acehnese people post-conflict. This paper contends that the various relationships and networks of relationships present in institutional formations are understood and explained through the different rules and frameworks that define and regulate them. Data sources were collected through in-depth interviews with several key informants, such as former GAM members, DPRA members, university rectors, local Aceh mass media editors, and socio-political observers, field observations for eighteen days (5–22 August 2018), and literature studies. This qualitative research uses a new institutionalism approach that focuses on the dynamics of the social structure of Acehnese society, which was largely controlled by GAM before the Helsinki MoU and began to loosen after the elections and even formed fragmentation among former combatants in the struggle for leadership in local government institutions. This article finds that GAM elite divisions and conflicts after the conflict for official government positions occurred due to the absence of imagination of modes of organizing society that was able to connect structurally and functionally formal and informal institutions. Pragmatically, GAM leaders and negotiators tend to maintain identity politics as a resistance movement against the central government and at the same time, they continue to run governance in a special autonomy model that gives them a lot of constitutional, institutional and symbolic freedom.
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