This study will explore the direct and indirect impacts of collaborative governance innovation on organizational value creation in higher vocational education in China in the context of the digital era. This paper employs a mixed research methodology to construct and validate a model of the relationship between collaborative governance, digital competence, value chain restructuring, and value creation. This study first adopted an exploratory sequential design. In the qualitative interviews, 15 experts from education, business, and other related fields were used as respondents to explore accurate variable factors and determine the value of the research framework. The quantitative research used structural equation analysis to analyze 979 valid online questionnaires. Finally, the rationality of the research results was verified through case studies.  The findings are clear: collaborative governance significantly positively impacts value creation, indirectly affecting organizational value creation through value chain restructuring. Furthermore, digital capabilities significantly contribute to the value chain restructuring process. This paper provides a theoretical basis and practical guidance for higher vocational education organizations to improve their governance and innovation capabilities.

This paper investigates the implementation of ijarah muntahiyah bittamlik (IMBT) as an infrastructure project financing scheme within the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) models from a collaborative governance perspective. This paper follows a case study methodology. It focuses on two Indonesian non-toll road infrastructure projects, i.e., the preservation of the East Sumatra Highway projects, each in South Sumatra province and Riau province. The findings revealed that Indonesia’s infrastructure development priorities and its vision to become a global leader in Islamic finance characterized the system context that shaped the implementation of IMBT as an infrastructure project financing scheme within the PPP-AP model. Key drivers include leadership from the government, stakeholder interdependence, and financial incentives for the partnering business entity to adopt off-balance sheet solutions. Principled engagement, shared motivation, and the capacity for joint action characterized the collaboration dynamics, leading to detailed collaborative actions crucial for implementing IMBT as a financing scheme.

Perceptions of women’s roles and leadership in urban governance vary from country to country and culture to culture. While women are represented and participate fully in political decision-making in some countries, in Togo women’s participation in local governance is still limited. The aim of this research is to analyse perceptions of women’s leadership in urban governance in the communes of greater Lomé. Specifically, the study of the influence of general perceptions of the role of women on the development of their leadership in the urban governance of greater Lomé (i) and the implications of these perceptions on the participation of women in the urban governance of greater Lomé (ii). Semi-structured interviews were conducted in all the town halls of the thirteen greater Lomé autonomous district communes with 222 women and 162 men, i.e., a total of 384 people. The corpus created from the interviews, which were transcribed in their entirety, was analyzed using the theory of social dominance developed by Sidanius and Pratto to explain power relations and inequalities between social groups. The results show that perceptions of women’s participation in urban governance vary and are generally associated with several significant implications. The general perception is that women are not as competent or legitimate as men in political and administrative leadership roles. However, there is a growing recognition of the value of gender diversity in urban governance, with a growing awareness of the importance of including women in decision-making processes. From the point of view of the significant implications of perceptions, positive perceptions favor increased representation of women, innovation, and creativity, strengthening legitimacy, reducing inequalities, and presenting women as positive role models in urban governance.

In recent years, information technology and social media has developed very rapidly and has had an impact on government services to the public. Social media technology is used hugely by several developing countries to provide services, information and promote information disclosure in its government to improve its performance. This study aims to build role of social media technology concept as a public service delivery facilitator to the public. Furthermore, it discusses the potential impact of social media use on government culture. To achieve the goal, this study combines two theories, namely government public value theory and green smart city with four variables, namely quality of public services, user orientation, openness, and greenness. These variables are used as the foundation for data collection through in-depth interviews and group discussion forums. In-depth interviews are utilized as data search and direct observation. The informants consist of several government elements, including heads of regional apparatus organizations, heads of public service malls and Palembang city government employees. The study revealed that the Palembang government has several social media-based public services that have quality of services, user-orientation, openness, and environmental friendliness.

While the notion of the smart city has grown in popularity, the backlash against smart urban infrastructure in the context of changing state-public relations has seldom been examined. This article draws on the case of Hong Kong’s smart lampposts to analyse the emergence of networked dissent against smart urban infrastructure during a period of unrest. Deriving insights from critical data studies, dissentworks theory, and relevant work on networked activism, the article illustrates how a smart urban infrastructure was turned into both a source and a target of popular dissent through digital mediation and politicisation. Drawing on an interpretive analysis of qualitative data collected from multiple digital platforms, the analysis explicates the citizen curation of socio-technic counter-imaginaries that constituted a consent of dissent in the digital realm, and the creation and diffusion of networked action repertoires in response to a changing political opportunity structure. In addition to explicating the words and deeds employed in this networked dissent, this article also discusses the technopolitical repercussions of this dissent for the city’s later attempts at data-based urban governance, which have unfolded at the intersections of urban techno-politics and local contentious politics. Moving beyond the common focus on neoliberal governmentality and its limits, this article reveals the underexplored pitfalls of smart urban infrastructure vis-à-vis the shifting socio-political landscape of Hong Kong, particularly in the digital age.

This article analyzes the modes of organizing the political realm of society in Aceh, especially after the signing of the Helsinki MoU in 2005 by representatives of the Indonesian government and GAM as the two parties most interested in the social organization of Acehnese society. The post-conflict social and political phenomenon in Aceh is the fragmentation between democratic and customary institutions that can be directly observed by the public through their competition in local government elections. Former GAM leaders have chosen to revive Majelis Wali Nanggroe and Gampong as customary and cultural institutions to help the government organize the lives of Acehnese people post-conflict. This paper contends that the various relationships and networks of relationships present in institutional formations are understood and explained through the different rules and frameworks that define and regulate them. Data sources were collected through in-depth interviews with several key informants, such as former GAM members, DPRA members, university rectors, local Aceh mass media editors, and socio-political observers, field observations for eighteen days (5–22 August 2018), and literature studies. This qualitative research uses a new institutionalism approach that focuses on the dynamics of the social structure of Acehnese society, which was largely controlled by GAM before the Helsinki MoU and began to loosen after the elections and even formed fragmentation among former combatants in the struggle for leadership in local government institutions. This article finds that GAM elite divisions and conflicts after the conflict for official government positions occurred due to the absence of imagination of modes of organizing society that was able to connect structurally and functionally formal and informal institutions. Pragmatically, GAM leaders and negotiators tend to maintain identity politics as a resistance movement against the central government and at the same time, they continue to run governance in a special autonomy model that gives them a lot of constitutional, institutional and symbolic freedom.