In recent years, information technology and social media has developed very rapidly and has had an impact on government services to the public. Social media technology is used hugely by several developing countries to provide services, information and promote information disclosure in its government to improve its performance. This study aims to build role of social media technology concept as a public service delivery facilitator to the public. Furthermore, it discusses the potential impact of social media use on government culture. To achieve the goal, this study combines two theories, namely government public value theory and green smart city with four variables, namely quality of public services, user orientation, openness, and greenness. These variables are used as the foundation for data collection through in-depth interviews and group discussion forums. In-depth interviews are utilized as data search and direct observation. The informants consist of several government elements, including heads of regional apparatus organizations, heads of public service malls and Palembang city government employees. The study revealed that the Palembang government has several social media-based public services that have quality of services, user-orientation, openness, and environmental friendliness.

While the notion of the smart city has grown in popularity, the backlash against smart urban infrastructure in the context of changing state-public relations has seldom been examined. This article draws on the case of Hong Kong’s smart lampposts to analyse the emergence of networked dissent against smart urban infrastructure during a period of unrest. Deriving insights from critical data studies, dissentworks theory, and relevant work on networked activism, the article illustrates how a smart urban infrastructure was turned into both a source and a target of popular dissent through digital mediation and politicisation. Drawing on an interpretive analysis of qualitative data collected from multiple digital platforms, the analysis explicates the citizen curation of socio-technic counter-imaginaries that constituted a consent of dissent in the digital realm, and the creation and diffusion of networked action repertoires in response to a changing political opportunity structure. In addition to explicating the words and deeds employed in this networked dissent, this article also discusses the technopolitical repercussions of this dissent for the city’s later attempts at data-based urban governance, which have unfolded at the intersections of urban techno-politics and local contentious politics. Moving beyond the common focus on neoliberal governmentality and its limits, this article reveals the underexplored pitfalls of smart urban infrastructure vis-à-vis the shifting socio-political landscape of Hong Kong, particularly in the digital age.

This article analyzes the modes of organizing the political realm of society in Aceh, especially after the signing of the Helsinki MoU in 2005 by representatives of the Indonesian government and GAM as the two parties most interested in the social organization of Acehnese society. The post-conflict social and political phenomenon in Aceh is the fragmentation between democratic and customary institutions that can be directly observed by the public through their competition in local government elections. Former GAM leaders have chosen to revive Majelis Wali Nanggroe and Gampong as customary and cultural institutions to help the government organize the lives of Acehnese people post-conflict. This paper contends that the various relationships and networks of relationships present in institutional formations are understood and explained through the different rules and frameworks that define and regulate them. Data sources were collected through in-depth interviews with several key informants, such as former GAM members, DPRA members, university rectors, local Aceh mass media editors, and socio-political observers, field observations for eighteen days (5–22 August 2018), and literature studies. This qualitative research uses a new institutionalism approach that focuses on the dynamics of the social structure of Acehnese society, which was largely controlled by GAM before the Helsinki MoU and began to loosen after the elections and even formed fragmentation among former combatants in the struggle for leadership in local government institutions. This article finds that GAM elite divisions and conflicts after the conflict for official government positions occurred due to the absence of imagination of modes of organizing society that was able to connect structurally and functionally formal and informal institutions. Pragmatically, GAM leaders and negotiators tend to maintain identity politics as a resistance movement against the central government and at the same time, they continue to run governance in a special autonomy model that gives them a lot of constitutional, institutional and symbolic freedom.

In order to meet the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the United Nations and address the growing global concern for ecologically responsible activities, this study examines the role that French financial institutions play in financing a green future and promoting sustainable development (SD). Through semi-structured interviews with twelve participants from banks and Fintech companies, the research investigates their familiarity with green financing commitments to international organizations and associations, their views on the growth potential of green finance, and the provision of green finance products. Additionally, it explores the connection between green finance and its positive influence on SD. Data analysis was performed using NVivo 12. The findings highlight a strong commitment to green finance and sustainable practices among these institutions, emphasizing the significance of integration and utilization of green finance products across various sectors. This research emphasizes the crucial role of financial institutions in France in driving a greener and more sustainable future through green finance.

 This paper empirically analyzes the relationship between corporate governance and capital market risk using A-share listed companies in China’s Shanghai and Shenzhen markets from 2008 to 2022 as a research sample. The study finds that corporate governance decreases capital market risk using new risk measurement at the firm level. Further analysis shows that such an effect is more pronounced in the sample of private companies, companies with a higher degree of indebtedness, and companies with a lower concentration of power. This paper’s findings help us better understand corporate governance’s role in stock risk and provide theoretical support and empirical evidence to improve the stability of the financial market in emerging markets.

The mining issue’s real-world impact is directly linked to the insufficient policing efforts by relevant institutions, potentially affecting the credibility of law enforcement agencies and regional performance. This research project sought to evaluate policing performance related to mining activities in Indonesian regional areas. Using an indexing method, a composite index was developed based on supervision, partnership, and law enforcement aspects. This index functioned as a representation of policing within the mining and quarrying context. The evaluation was carried out in Indonesian provinces with active mining and quarrying operations. The composite index was then juxtaposed with regional gross domestic products to gauge the correlation between policing and regional economic performance. Results revealed that regions heavily reliant on mining for regional GDP, like East Kalimantan, South Sumatera, and Papua, tended to have lower policing indices due to shortcomings in supervision and law enforcement. Conversely, regions with stronger policing indices typically excelled in the supervisory dimension, as seen in Yogyakarta. The study suggests that engaging with communities and increasing the ratio of mine inspectors to mine areas can enhance mining governance and regional competitiveness. Boosting the number of mine inspectors in specific areas can also positively impact overall policing activities within mining regions.