The coupling coordination degree model is used to analyze the change law of the inherent coupling relationship between the forest economy and the ecological environment system in Heilongjiang Province from 2006 to 2018 and its causes. The results show that by combining the coupling relationship with the relative priority of under-forest economic development, the coupling relationship change can be divided into three stages, the coupling coordination degree from 2006 to 2009 is mainly on the verge of imbalance, and the under-forest economic development lags behind the development of the ecological environment. From 2010 to 2012, the coupling coordination degree changed from the reluctant coupling stage to the stage on the verge of imbalance, and the forest economy was ahead of the ecological environment development. From 2013 to 2018, the degree of coupling and coordination was in the reluctant coupling stage, and the under-forest economy and the ecological environment continued to develop in synchronize and in harmony. Therefore, according to the research results, it is proposed to establish the principle of ecological priority, adhere to the development of characteristics, improve the level of science and technology, and rationally develop the under-forest economic industry, so as to promote the coupling and coordinated development of the under-forest economy and ecological environment system in Heilongjiang Province.
China’s economic structure has made subtle changes with the development of digital economy. Along with the marginal diminishing effect of Chinese monetary policies and the increase of the overall leverage ratio, the Chinese economic growth mode of relying on real estate, trade and infrastructure construction in the past will not be sustainable in the next decade. This paper makes a theoretical analysis on the reduction of the search cost in digital economy. Also, this paper used empirical methods to study the relationship between China’s economic growth and digital infrastructure construction. In conclusion, the digital economy has reduced the search cost for people, and big data will become a product factor participating in labor distribution. In addition, this paper proposes for the first time that digital economy can effectively restrain inflation. The Chinese government needs to attach importance to the issue that current internet enterprise oligarchs will probably monopolize the usage of big data in the development of digital economy in the future and become the obstacle to effective economic growth. In addition, close attention should be paid to the vulnerabilities of financial and taxation systems for digital economic entities to avoid continuous disguised tax subsidies to internet oligarchs, thus preventing industrial monopoly.
The People's Republic of China (PRC) wants to become a key regional actor in the Arctic. PRC's underlying priority in the region is gaining access to commercial opportunities from trade and natural resources. To this end, PRC is building its domestic capacities for research and commercial development in the Arctic, increasing its involvement in multilateral forums on Arctic governance and deepening ties to Arctic nations, especially Russia.
Attitudes towards PRC among Arctic nations are diverging, but Beijing generally faces high levels of skepticism and opposition to its Arctic involvement, explicitly grounded in perceptions of PRC as a state undermining the rules-based international order and potential military build-up in the high north.
The analytical framework in this article builds on an outline authored by Exner-Pirot in 2012 (Exner-Pirot, 2012) to detail the current schools of thought within Arctic governance, and builds on it by including more recent developments in Arctic governance, incorporating the updated Arctic policies of most Arctic countries and connecting it to PRC.
This article contends that Beijing wants to change the status quo of Arctic governance and shift it towards a more accommodating approach to non-Arctic states. This article finds, based on the stated Arctic strategies of the eight Arctic states and PRC, that there are different views on Arctic governance where Arctic countries for the most part indicate an openness to a Chinese entry into the Arctic, albeit in diverging ways. This creates a complex governance scenario for PRC to navigate as it seeks to become a key Arctic player
Using a newly-developed data set for Portugal, we analyze the industry-level effects of infrastructure investment. Focusing on the divide between traded and non-traded industries, we find that infrastructure investments have a non-traded bias, as these shift the industry mix towards private and public services. We also find that the industries that benefit the most in relative terms are all non-traded: construction, trade, and real estate, among the private services, and education and health, among the public services. Similarly, emerging trading sectors, such as hospitality and professional services, stand to gain. The positive impacts on traded industries are too small to make a difference. These results highlight that infrastructure-based strategies are not neutral in terms of the industry mix. Moreover, with most of the benefits accruing to non-traded industries, such a development model that is heavily based on domestic demand may be unsustainable in light of Portugal’s current foreign account position.
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has been one of the most prominent components of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Most of the discussion on CPEC has centered around the macroeconomic effects on the economy. However, research on the fine details of CPEC’s financing structure has not been conducted. This paper aims to fill the gap by providing a detailed description of the financing of CPEC and how the money maps on to different sectors of the Pakistani economy. We also discuss some macroeconomic concerns and ways to mitigate these risks.
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