The trilateral defense and security pact between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States has strong impact to the security dynamics in the Indo-Pacific area. This agreement entails a strengthened alliance between Australia and enhanced military collaboration with the United States and the United Kingdom resulting in regional volatility. This paper aims to examine the AUKUS (Australia–United Kingdom–United States Partnership) agreement and the resulting ensuing instability in the Indo-Pacific region, specifically from Indonesia’s perspective. The focus of the research is on the interplay between Indonesia’s diplomacy capability and the military functions of the Indonesian Navy as security policy. This study employs a qualitative approach to delve into in-depth insights into the evolution of AUKUS in the Indo-Pacific region, which triggered a series of responses from many countries subsequent to the announcement of the establishment of the AUKUS Defense Pact. The AUKUS establishment simply reinforces the notion that geopolitical tensions are pulling the area apart. The influence of the AUKUS-China war can jeopardize regional stability since the US and China continuously demonstrate the supremacy of their armaments in order to dissuade one another. The AUKUS-China contest has had a highly adverse impact on Indonesia. This article argues that the Indonesian Navy’s diplomatic prowess is crucial because it has the potential to play a big influence in the Indo-Pacific region’s international political dynamics concerning the South China Sea. Furthermore, the Indonesian Navy must proactively prepare for potential armed conflicts in Indonesian territorial seas by developing a comprehensive maritime policy during times of peace, leveraging its geographical advantages.
Poverty, as a phenomenon, remains an obstacle to global sustainable development. Although a universal malaise, it is more prevalent in underdeveloped countries, including Nigeria. However, because of its devastating impacts on the Nigerian economy, such as increasing death rates, high crime rates, insecurity difficulties, threats to national cohesion, and so on, successive administrations have implemented poverty alleviation programs to mitigate the consequences of this disease. Worryingly, despite a multiplicity of projects and massive human and natural resources invested to match global standards, Nigeria remains impoverished. The curiosity at how these programs fail, either because of implementation hiccups or because elites’ wealth and power influence these programs spurred the paper to assess poverty alleviation policies and elitist approaches in Nigeria. The study employed the desk study approach, as it examined secondary sources such as books, journals, articles, and magazines. Its theoretical underpinning was the elite theory. The paper discovered that several factors such as corruption, the elitist nature of the policies which in disguise reflect public interests, lack of continuity, lack of coordination and monitoring system, misappropriation of public resources, and others, led to the poor performances of government in alleviating poverty in Nigeria. The paper concludes that, while the rate of poverty index in Nigeria rises year after year, poverty alleviation efforts in Nigeria have had little or no influence on the Nigerian economy, since most of these projects are purely reflective of the elites’ interests rather than the masses. Therefore, the paper recommends that for there to be a reduction in poverty incidence in Nigeria, a holistic developmental approach should be adopted, the policies formulated and implemented should sync with the needs of the citizens, and quality and viable programs should be sustained and financed irrespective of change in government; public accountability should be instilled; proper coordination and monitoring system should be domesticated, etc.
Demographic policy is one of the key tasks of almost any state at the present time. It correlates with the solution of pressing problems in the economic and social spheres, directly depends on the state of healthcare, education, migration policy and other factors and directly affects the socio-economic development of both individual regions and the country as a whole. Many Russian and foreign researchers believe that demographic indicators very accurately reflect the socio-economic and political situation of the state. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that for the progressive socio-economic development of any country, positive demographic dynamics are necessary. The main sign of the negative demographic situation that has developed in modern Russia and a number of countries, primarily European, is the growing scale of depopulation (population extinction). The purpose of this work was to analyze the existing demographic policy of Russia and compare demographic trends in Russia and other countries. The work uses methods of statistical data analysis, comparison of statistical indicators of fertility, mortality, natural population decline, migration, marriage rates in Russia and the Republic of Srpska, methods of retrospective analysis, research of the institutional environment created by the action of state and national programs “Demography”, “Providing accessible and comfortable housing and public services for citizens of the Russian Federation”, “Strategy of socio-economic development for the period until 2024”, Presidential decrees, etc. Research has shown that despite measures taken to overcome the demographic crisis, Russia’s population continues to decline. According to the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation (Rosstat), as of 1 January 2023, 146.45 million people lived in Russia. By 1 January 2046, according to a Rosstat forecast published in October 2023 the country’s population will decrease to 138.77 million people. To solve demographic problems in the Russian Federation, a national project “Demography” was developed and approved. The government has allocated more than 3 trillion rubles for its implementation. However, it is not possible to completely overcome the negative trend. The authors proposed a number of economic and ideological measures within the framework of agglomeration, migration, and family support policies that can be used within the framework of socio-economic development strategies and national programs aimed at overcoming the demographic crisis.
The UN agenda of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 2015–2030 is a holistic approach. Universities play an important role in dissemination of quality knowledge, developing the skills and attitudes of a large number of youth across the world. Though the emphasis on Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) started as early as 1992, yet Universities adopted the concept of Green Campus integrating the environmental, social and economic aspects of sustainability quite recently. In developing countries including Pakistan, the Green Campus Initiatives (GCI) have not been implemented in the majority of the Universities. Northern Pakistan comprising Azad Jammu & Kashmir (AJ&K) and Gilgit Baltistan (GB) faces multiple challenges including Climate Impacts at the top. The fragile ecosystem of the region requires more sustainable initiatives at the University and community levels. In this research, the readiness of the seven universities located in Northern Pakistan have been assessed for GCI on the basis scanning of the websites and questionnaire survey of the relevant stakeholders. The results have shown that there is little commitment of resources for sustainability from senior management, lack of awareness in faculty & staff and less research focus on the related themes of green campus. The co-curricular activities in universities are not linked with sustainability and there are no incentives for faculty, staff and students to this end. It has been recommended that Green Campus Framework may be developed for Pakistani Mountain Universities, with commitment from leaders of the universities and allocation of sufficient resources for development of sustainable campuses. The Higher Education Commission of Pakistan (HEC) needs to allocate special funds for promoting GCI across universities in Pakistan.
Indonesia has experienced problems with refugees in recent years. Despite not being a state party to the 1951 Refugee Convention, Indonesia is still subject to the principle of non-refoulement as a norm that binds all states (jus cogens). This principle is regulated in Presidential Regulation Number 125 of 2016 and Regulation of the Director General of Immigration of 2016 as basic regulations for handling refugees. However, the principle of non-refoulement is not applied absolutely to refugees in Indonesia. The government is in a difficult situation and seems hesitant in taking a legal political stance, to accept or expel the presence of refugees. This research article aims to evaluate the application of the principle of non-refoulement in Indonesian national law. The findings of this research show that the state cannot apply the principle of non-refoulement to refugees in an absolute manner as it will have an impact on national security stability. The legal position of the Presidential Regulation and the Regulation of the Director General of Immigration contradict other regulations, potentially leading to norm conflicts and legal uncertainty. This regulation cannot be applied in all situations. Although this regulation is binding, its application is highly dependent on the needs and urgency of the country. The principle of non-refoulement does not apply to refugees if their presence threatens national security or disturbs public order in transit countries, especially for Indonesia, which has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention. Normatively, the application of this principle can be limited by the Constitution, Immigration Law, the theory of state sovereignty, the theory of primordial monism of national law, the principle of selective immigration policy, the principle of immigration essence, and the principle of immigration traffic control. This provision emphasizes that the application of this principle is relative and can be limited based on state sovereignty and national security interests.
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