This research explores the role of social media in the political construction of identity, analyzing how these platforms mediate the expression and formation of individual and group political identities. The focus is on how social media changes the dynamics of communication and social interaction, facilitating the formation of “echo chambers” and increasing political polarization. Additionally, this study highlights challenges such as disinformation and the implications of social media for the health of democracy. As a researcher, I aim to highlight the broader implications of using social media in identity politics. By analyzing the impact of social media on political dynamics in Indonesia, this study reveals how social media influences public perception and political decisions. This study identifies how social media can be used as a tool to mobilize political support, but also how these platforms can spread disinformation and reinforce political polarization. Based on these concerns, researchers have not yet found research results that examine how social media specifically impacts the construction of political identity. This research aims to highlight how social media not only acts as a communication tool but also as a medium that influences the way individuals view and express their political identity. Through a qualitative approach, this study provides new insights into the impact of social media in contemporary political dynamics and the importance of digital literacy in addressing issues of identity politics in the digital era.

Conspiracy theories during Covid-19 pandemic spread worldwide, including in Indonesia. What political and religious factors explain their spread in Indonesia with particular reference to the DKI Jakarta province, its surrounding municipalities, and West Sumatera province? This study aimed to answer the questions. It employed a qualitative approach with multi-data collection methods, including those from media, documents, and interviews. The spread of Conspiracy theories benefited from the democratic system that promotes the freedom of information in using social media. First, the government officials initially spread conspiracy theories to satisfy people’s anxiety about the obscured Pandemic. However, they resulted in the government’s ambiguous, controversial, and reckless policies leading to people’s distrust of the government. Jokowi-Makruf Amien, political opponents capitalized on the government’s poor policies to spread conspiracy theories which partly discredited the Jokowi-Amien administration. Both government officials and the opposition capitalized on politics and religious teaching or supra-natural pretexts to posit their conspiracy theories.

While the notion of the smart city has grown in popularity, the backlash against smart urban infrastructure in the context of changing state-public relations has seldom been examined. This article draws on the case of Hong Kong’s smart lampposts to analyse the emergence of networked dissent against smart urban infrastructure during a period of unrest. Deriving insights from critical data studies, dissentworks theory, and relevant work on networked activism, the article illustrates how a smart urban infrastructure was turned into both a source and a target of popular dissent through digital mediation and politicisation. Drawing on an interpretive analysis of qualitative data collected from multiple digital platforms, the analysis explicates the citizen curation of socio-technic counter-imaginaries that constituted a consent of dissent in the digital realm, and the creation and diffusion of networked action repertoires in response to a changing political opportunity structure. In addition to explicating the words and deeds employed in this networked dissent, this article also discusses the technopolitical repercussions of this dissent for the city’s later attempts at data-based urban governance, which have unfolded at the intersections of urban techno-politics and local contentious politics. Moving beyond the common focus on neoliberal governmentality and its limits, this article reveals the underexplored pitfalls of smart urban infrastructure vis-à-vis the shifting socio-political landscape of Hong Kong, particularly in the digital age.

Purpose: This paper articulates a model that maximizes the use of e-HRM to achieve sustainable competitive advantage. It examines the indirect effects of e-HRM use on sustainable competitive advantage, through job satisfaction, employee performance, and perceived organizational politics. Design/methodology/approach: A survey approach was used to collect data from 30 organizations. A purposive sampling technique was used to select the study sample. The SPSS PROCESS Macro for running mediation analysis was used to analyze data. Findings: The findings show the indirect effect of e-HRM on sustainable competitive advantage through job satisfaction, employee performance, and perceived organizational politics. Job satisfaction has the biggest effect on achieving strategic outcomes. For organizational excellence, e-HRM use should complement other HRM practices. Practical implications: Management should pay attention to employee outcomes during the implementation of e-HRM. This study broadens the scope of the interaction between e-HRM use and sustainable competitive advantage. This study was conducted in a developing economy and demonstrated that the effects of e-HRM use on sustainable competitive advantage are not limited to developed economies. Originality/value: This study is one of the pioneering efforts to develop a model that maximizes organizational outcomes in developing countries. In addition, this study contributes to the understanding of intervening variables necessary to enhance information technology’s potential within the HR function.

The formation and implementation of migration policy cannot avoid being influenced by political elements, particularly political actors who have a direct or indirect interest in migration issues. Previous studies show that the influence on the administration and migration policy of a country has created the concept of ‘client politics’, that is, employers have a certain influence on the administration of foreign workers, especially in western countries. This situation has also created two groups which are pro-migrants consisting of employers, fundamental rights groups and trade unions; and anti-migrants are often associated with bureaucrats, nationalists and others. This study has used qualitative methods and has interviewed the informants consisting of government agencies, academics, employers, trade unions and NGOs. The results of the study show that those actors have a certain influence on the management of foreign workers including in the aspects of policy making and implementation. The concept of ‘client politics’ is seen to only apply to certain sectors, especially the manufacturing sector. Therefore, practically in Malaysia it is considered as ‘sectoral client politics’. In conclusion, the influence of both groups is not pursuing the interests of the country but rather on the interests of their respective sectors and entities.

It has become commonplace to describe publicly provided infrastructure as being in a sorry state and to advance public-private partnership as a possible remedy. This essay adopts a skeptical but not a cynical posture toward those claims. The paper starts by reviewing the comparative properties of markets and politics within a theory of budgeting where the options are construction and maintenance. This analytical point of departure explains how incongruities between political and market action can favor construction over maintenance. In short, political entities can engage in an implicit form of public debt by reducing maintenance spending to support other budgetary items. This implicit form of public debt does not manifest in higher interest rates but rather manifests in crumbling bridges and other infrastructure due to the transfer of maintenance into other budgetary activities.